Thursday, July 23, 2026

A resilient secularism requires secularised minds

 Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra

In this essay, @MRavinderReddi revisits the history of the Sakas through a remarkable synthesis of epigraphic, numismatic, archaeological, and literary evidence. Moving beyond inherited caricatures, he reconstructs how a people remembered as outsiders became enduring participants in India's civilisational story, leaving an imprint upon its polity, religion, art, and historical memory. Read: bit.ly/CavalaryofTheE

https://x.com/i/status/2079942346779832637

In conversation with Dr Meera Nanda, philosopher and historian of science, and author of Postcolonial Theory and the Making of Hindu Nationalism (2025).

"..From around the 1980s, modern science itself came under attack for its "Eurocentrism" and "epistemic violence". The net result was technological modernisation without corresponding de-traditionalisation"

"...I believe very strongly that you need a secularised culture for secularism to take root. A culture as saturated with gods, goddesses, godmen and gurus as India is today is not hospitable to secularism. Why would those for whom everything is permeated with the divine want to separate the state from the dictates of dharma?"

"..A resilient secularism requires secularised minds"

thedailystar.net/slow-reads/foc

https://x.com/i/status/2079931070842286561

When Visuality and Technology Re-define Spirituality

by Dr Rajat Sebastian and Devi R countercurrents.org/2026/07/when-v

Traditions evolve as societies change, but their deeper meanings need not disappear. This article examines how robotic elephants in Kerala temples and the growing visual appeal of Theyyam reflect changing ways of experiencing spirituality in a technology-driven age. It argues that while innovation can support ethical progress and preserve cultural practices, an increasing emphasis on spectacle risks overshadowing the symbolic and philosophical foundations of ritual. By exploring the relationship between technology, aesthetics, and belief, the authors call for a thoughtful balance that allows traditions to remain both relevant and meaningful for contemporary generations, without losing their cultural depth and enduring significance.


Man, these ignorant ass Christians. First Xenia isnt just vital in the Odyssey but throughout all of pre-Christian Hellenic world. Zeus in one of his forms is Zeus Xenios, Zeus the protector of guests. This forms the crux of the Illiad, Paris violated Xenia, and is the core of the Odyssey. Zeus and Hermes test humans by wandering and seeking shelter with humans to see if they uphold this sacred duty.  

The Golden rule isn't distinctly Christian, the Mahabharata presents a version of this in the Anusasana Parva and throughout the text.  

Finally if you want to say that Zeus's law is whatever the gods say it is, its no different than your view of Yahweh or Christ, whatever they say is the good, the Euthyphro dilemma.


I haven't been following the India protests that closely, but it seems to me that they reflect a basic contradiction in India's political economy that will naturally get more acute as the country grows economically. At a very basic level, the path to political power in India is through the rural poor and the farmers. This plays out at the central and state level, with governments at every level regularly extracting resources from surplus-producing urban areas to fund welfare for the hinterlands. As long as this basic political logic remains, Indian politicians will neglect the aspirations of the electorally insignificant urban middle class who form the bulk of the protesters. 

The BJP has somewhat successfully bridged this divide through Hindutva politics: When it comes to economic policy they double down on rural development (water connections, electricity, welfare etc.) while pushing cultural and religious nationalism to satisfy the ascendant Hindu middle class that has the luxury of voting on ideological lines. But this is not sustainable in the long run. As the urban middle class grows, the demand for greater economic opportunity, a better standard of living, and the promise of a better future will naturally increase in intensity. 

Retorts about the depredations of the Congress-era, even if true, are little consolation to the young who have only known BJP-led India. The reflexive tendency of BJP supporters to see protests as a "foreign conspiracy" reflects a basic inability to see the world through the eyes of others. That there are bad actors is no doubt true, but this does not detract from the legitimacy of the complaints about corruption, stagnation, urban misgovernance etc.

Modi and the BJP have spent years referring to their era of electoral dominance as a "golden age" of Indian economic and cultural regeneration. Turns out when you set expectations high, people will expect you meet them. Who would have thought?


After years of observing Indian politics, I keep returning to one conclusion, the coalition that keeps a government in power is rooted in the economy India already has, while its legitimacy increasingly rests on the India it promises to build.

Modi understood this tension and tried to change the economy. Yet whenever reform threatened groups capable of organised resistance, the government eventually retreated. The BJP therefore found a political way to contain an economic contradiction. Welfare secured its rural base, while Hindu nationalism convinced the expanding middle class that national renewal was already under way.

This worked as long as young people could connect India’s rise to a personal route upwards: study hard, pass the examination and secure a respectable job. The paper leak broke that connection. It transformed employment anxiety from millions of private disappointments into a shared political grievance.

Many protesters are children of the Modi era. They accepted the promise of a rising India and now ask why national success has failed to produce a credible future for them.

Arun Shourie’s “Congress plus a cow” remains powerful because the BJP has transformed how India is politically united far more deeply than the economic relations beneath it. As the educated urban population expands, this contradiction will become increasingly difficult to postpone.


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