By Fatima Nasser
ssispune
Abstract
Afghanistan has been grappling with war for nearly 40 years. The war has affected aspects of individual life and social institutions, including politics, society, culture and economy of our country, and has the potential to continue to do so. However, although putting an end to this situation and achieving a durable peace is urgent, it is not an easy task. To repair the harm inflicted on us by war and to build peace as a human value through peaceful coexistence, we need theoretical and practical efforts on a variety of fronts. Therefore, peace is not merely a political agreement. Rather, it is that of establishing an environment in which an “individual” and the “community” can lead a peaceful life without war and violence of any kind. Thus, building peace, in a general sense, is not possible only by a state or an institution like the High Peace Council (HPC). As noted earlier, as a broad and multi-faceted process, peace entails the participation and involvement of all individuals and institutions who are its beneficiaries.
It is obvious that in addition to practical efforts for peace, the process also requires efforts in the academic and theoretical fields because peace-building will not be ensured unless our society has a deep and clear understanding of peace and why we need it. The Afghan Peace Process has made some great accomplishments, effective and practical structures and institutions.
How Have Afghan Women Been Included or Excluded from Decision making?
In Afghanistan, women’s inclusion and influence in the peace process is the most limited at the regional and national levels and the most robust at the local and family levels. Inclusion of women at every level of society will be required to build peace in Afghanistan that will be sustainable. Afghan women lack meaningful participation in the peace process for both internal and external reasons. First, social and cultural norms have played a role in the exclusion of women in decision-making processes.
Stereotypes of women as victims and uncritical advocates for peace, combined with a strict division of labor in the public and private spheres, prevent women from entering official peace processes. The lack of legitimate space for dissent has been a persistent driver of violent resistance in Afghanistan. A predominant political culture has evolved of power concentrated centrally in a single ruler who sets policy and distributes resources leaving no room for non- violent opposition.
Leaders have struggled to exert authority nationwide, however, and in practice have had to accommodate regional rivals through de facto provincial autonomy to avoid insurrection. Tackling conflict today requires both strengthening existing governance structures and creating a political system that can incorporate insurgents peacefully. Regional devolution of power could alleviate pressure on the centre, but would still leave the core problem of how to introduce effective opposition politics. An emerging political dynamic with potential to break this enduring deadlock may be found in Afghanistan’s growing young population, who increasingly see political participation as a right rather than a privilege and are making demands for more meaningful representation. Women were largely excluded from the Bonn process. Since then, they have made significant gains in rights and political participation. But despite Afghanistan adopting in 2015 a National Action Plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, opportunities for women remain limited. And women’s rights defenders are wary that negotiations with the Taliban will lead to further losses, given the movement’s record and reputation.
But women already make key contributions to local peace initiatives, and the possibility now exists to engage proactively to affect the course of a national peace process. Afghan women encompass a spectrum of interests. Many from rural communities see ending violence as the priority over the sorts of rights that are their urban counterparts’ prime concern. Reaching out to different female and male constituencies is key to building broad support for women’s issues. Constructive progress will require acknowledging signs of change among the Taliban and engaging in dialogue with them to explore potential areas of mutual interest and accommodation. In a study on the roles of women in local peace building in Afghanistan, Liberia, Nepal, Pakistan and Sierra Leone, women reported that they were unable to engage in peace building activities because of the double burden of their domestic roles and income-generation activities as well as a lack of control over household income. When women do control income, however, they are more likely to engage in civil society activity and contribute to inclusive governance. The economic empowerment of women also greatly contributes to the effectiveness of post-conflict economic activities, and accelerates economic recovery; this is critical in breaking cycles of war and poverty.
A report on the human development of the Asia-Pacific region notes that several of the world’s fastest growing economies that have recently emerged from conflict owe their success in part to women’s increased role in production, trade and entrepreneurship. By addressing discrimination, harmful stereotypes, patriarchal structures, and institutional exclusion that render women and girls vulnerable to violence and poverty, these economies took steps to enable them to participate meaningfully and effectively in public and private spheres, and become a driving force in the economy. The repressive Taliban government of Afghanistan emerged in 1994 after years of civil conflict and ruled the country from 1996 to 2001. Overthrown in 2001 by the U.S.-led military campaign, the Taliban has since waged an insurgency against the internationally backed Afghan government, which has resulted in widespread displacement and destruction, including significant physical threats and restrictions for Afghan women. The self-proclaimed Islamic State has also launched devastating attacks on civilians and state institutions with increasing frequency in recent years. The Afghan government has entered numerous rounds of peace talks and reached partial agreements with Taliban elements; many rounds stalled for political reasons or broke down due to miscommunication, stalemates, and spoilers. Afghan women have long feared that negotiators for a peace agreement with the Taliban would trade away women’s rights for the chance to end more than sixteen years of war. Women and girls have made notable progress since the fall of the Taliban, which adheres to a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam in which women are considered second-class citizens. Under Taliban rule from 1996 to 2001, Afghan women were banned from schools and work, faced public beatings and executions, and endured severe restrictions on their movement.
Today, women and girls enjoy more opportunity to the education and work However; these gains have not translated into opportunities for women to participate in the peace process. In twenty-three rounds of talks between 2005 and 2014, on only two occasions were women present at the table: the 2010 talks in the Maldives (9 percent), and the 2011–2012 talks in France (10 percent). When officials from over twenty-five countries gathered for the Kabul Process in February 2018, an Afghan-led peace conference, women remained underrepresented. In the absence of formal participation, female civil society leaders have sought to influence the peace process through consultations with the Afghan government and the Taliban. They have also participated in government-appointed bodies—such as the Afghan High Peace Council (women comprise 26 percent of members), and provincial peace councils (women comprise 20 percent of members)—to lead local peace-building efforts, raise public support for the process, and inform negotiating positions and security operations. And school and participate in political and economic life. The Afghan government and international actors have pledged to ensure women’s representation in the peace process.
President Ashraf Ghani observed that nation-building is impossible without the active role of women, and the government’s 2015 National Action Plan on women’s participation in peace and security efforts commits to develop a roster of and provide training to potential women negotiators. Prominent Afghan mullahs have focused Friday sermons on outlining women’s contributions to peace-building. And international actors—from NATO to the seventy-five countries gathered at the 2016 Brussels Conference on Afghanistan—have committed to support Afghan women’s participation in peace and security efforts. The rhetoric and policy are in place, but progress has been limited due to lack of political will and funding. If implemented, these commitments would strengthen the peace process and security efforts by increasing women’s contributions. To preserve women’s gains and block Islamist groups from imposing their view of women’s rights, Afghans negotiating with the Taliban, as well as the international community, must take seriously the red lines set down by Afghan women. It is important to focus simultaneously on women’s right to participate in the process; have their rights protected in any agreement; and ensure that adequate institutional mechanisms and resources are available to implement and uphold the terms of an agreement. Negotiators must firmly reject any backsliding on rights enumerated in Afghanistan’s constitution and legal code. Enforcement must be guaranteed for laws that bar violence against women and abolish discriminatory and unjust practices and traditions. The agreement to reach a political settlement must honor Afghanistan’s obligation to implement international laws and treaties to which Afghanistan is a party. Institutions such as the AIHRC, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and the Women’s Chamber of Commerce must be further supported to provide the necessary services to all Afghans including women. Women’s rights groups and NGOs have played a pivotal role in providing legal, social, economic, educational, health and psychological services to millions of Afghan men and women. A peace agreement must explicitly allow these groups to continue operating without restriction; their staff must be further empowered and protected from persecution and unjust treatment in the name of Sharia or local traditions. Women, who have the most to lose if the Taliban returns to power, currently have the least say in the process by which it may do so.
As negotiations continue, and an Afghan government delegation meets with Taliban members, certain steps are urgently needed.
First, Afghan women must be able to speak for themselves. This means including female negotiators in significant numbers as part of any Afghan government delegation and ensuring formal participation for women’s groups representing civil society. Qatar, as host of the intra-Afghan dialogue, should invite such groups to take part as full delegates. Everyone knows the difference between tokenism and inclusion.
Second, women’s rights and concerns must be on the formal agenda, not relegated to side events or made the lone responsibility of female delegates. Women should have leadership roles during the development and implementation of any agreement and be consulted on all aspects of the future of the country—not just “women’s issues.”
Third, as the U.S. possesses a position of power in the peace process, Afghan women look to us to bring our diplomatic leverage to bear to uphold their rights, alongside their own government. If we don’t, it is almost a foregone conclusion that they will be marginalized. The U.S.—and the other nations that fought beside it in Afghanistan—should be adamant that they will not back any peace deal that erodes rights for women, and will hold all parties to the commitments they make. Afghan women should not be left alone to defend their rights before an organization that has traditionally treated them as inferior beings.
These peace negotiations are based on the hope that the Taliban has changed and will compromise. Its position on women’s rights and their participation in these talks is a fundamental test of its intentions. Accepting as irreversible the progress made by Afghan women is the standard they should be held to. The war in Afghanistan has been the defining foreign policy issue of our generation. After all the sacrifices made, we must seek to end the conflict on the right terms. We need a peace that is built on human rights in order for it to last.
CONCLUSION
There is extensive research on the importance of women’s inclusion in Peace-building efforts and the positive role they play—from improving the chances of a sustainable peace agreement being reached to the broader positive impacts on women’s inclusion in decision-making. While the Afghan government and the international community have expressed their support for the role of Afghan women in negotiating peace with the Taliban, these efforts have not been meaningful or consistent. Nevertheless, women civil society advocates and women leaders at the national level continue to push for a voice in the process in formal and informal ways. Recognizing the impact that women’s economic empowerment can play in building peaceful societies, and supporting these efforts may also contribute to better outcomes for Afghan society as a whole. Afghan women are leaders. They are central to building strong afghan institutions and legal frameworks. Gender equality and women’s economic empowerment are strongly tied to prosperous and peaceful societies. An important way to enable women’s participation in peace building activities is to advance their economic empowerment. At the national level, Afghan women participate in inclusive commissions as members and as leaders. However, their role remains marginalized. A 2014 study by Oxfam found that in 23 rounds of peace talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban since 2005, one woman from the government was present on two occasions. Moreover, no women were ever included in discussions between international negotiators and the Taliban, and it is unclear if or to what extent women’s interests were represented by others.
Established in 2010, the HPC is the national level entity responsible for leading and supporting the peace process with the Taliban. Currently, women comprise 11 of its 50 members, and after being restructured in early 2016, includes six new deputy heads, one of whom is a former
Minister of Women’s Affairs and the first female provincial governor for Bamyan. Additionally, there are two women on the new HPC Executive Board of Advisors—former government official, and the director of a well-known women’s civil society group.
Despite the inclusion of women both as members and leaders of the Council, it is unclear to what extent their participation is meaningful. The few women in senior positions in the HPC voice frustration over their marginalized role. In addition, the problematic nature of the Council itself—given that it is comprised primarily of government-appointed former mujahideen leaders and warlords—and its limited role in direct talks means women’s voices and influence are limited by default. At the local level, Afghan women play a somewhat larger role in peace building through their participation on the Provincial Peace Councils (PPC). PPCs in all but one province include women, and the nearly 200 women who have worked to resolve conflict at the local and provincial levels are doing meaningful work that has the potential to contribute to broader peace. For example, in March 2015, the women members of the PPCs submitted a proposal to the Afghan government citing their continued contributions to peace at the local level, and calling for increased women’s formal representation in all aspects of the peace process, increased access to information, and a national dialogue on peace and reconciliation. At the family and village levels, Afghan women perhaps have the biggest impact on promoting peace among family members and their community. Much of the literature on Afghan women’s role in peace building states that women are most effective as participants in conflict resolution at the family and village levels. Women’s role in conflict mediation, building trust and dialogue, educating children and counseling family members to not engage in violence are common themes across communities, and this role is recognized by male members of the community.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The Afghan government and the international community can take three concrete steps to ensure women’s inclusion moving forward:
1. Include women leaders in regional and national level peace talks with the Taliban if/when they move forward. Ensure women are included in
Afghan delegations to major international fora Support their voices as leaders and advocates in peace-building rather than as victims.
2. Advance women’s economic opportunity and empowerment as one way to build a more inclusive Afghan society overall. Provide specific support and training on women’s rights and the links between gender equality and peace-building.
3. Recognize that changes in social and cultural norms are important and necessary for women's inclusion in public life and that these changes can occur over time with an intentional effort to improve the status of Afghan women in society.
Including women at the negotiating table and in consultations beyond the formal talks is a necessary step towards a lasting and legitimate peace in Afghanistan.
Bibliography
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